I think the adverse partnership idea tells us a great deal about the nature of our subject. They do not necessarily require an Asian version of the Conventional Armed Forces Treaty. attempts to set new directions for the orga nization. Cold War strategic concepts played a significant part in my time as a student at The Australian National University (ANU). Had it not been for the encouragement from Strategic & Defence Studies Centre (SDSC) academics who had taught me here in Canberra, I expect I would have had little chance of working in London with Lawrence Freedman, whose enthusiasm for the history of strategic ideas continues to be a major inspiration to me. The print version of this textbook is ISBN: 9780367621551, 036762155X. Despite all of their economic interactions, I am just not sure how much Washington and Beijing both believe that they must see each other as partners as well as competitors in their security interactions in Asia today. The adverse partnership was an agreement between the elite powers, and it meant a willingness to subordinate the interests of even close allies if these got in the way. Theirs is a rocky marriage in which they cannot live with each other but cannot live without each other as well. And it was the concept of stability in the Cold War period, and specifically Tom Schelling’s work on that idea, that formed the topic of my PhD thesis at King’s. They have a common interest in making sure that Taiwan continues to avoid moving formally to independence. Strategy is not only the management of war, which is a subset of conflict. In 1980, as the Cold War was reintensifying, Bull, now back in Oxford, launched a stinging attack on Moscow and Washington for ignoring their Great Power responsibilities to international society, including their retreat from arms control.9 But barely half a decade later, and a year after Bull’s untimely death in 1985, John Lewis Gaddis described in his essay, ‘The long peace’, the rules of the game that both the United States and the Soviet Union had adhered to in order to maintain a measure of stability in their otherwise hazardous relationship.10 Bull might well have agreed with Gaddis here as he had a strong tendency to disagree with himself. We should not overlook the importance of formal agreements such as the ABM Treaty, and other obvious collaboration including Incidents at Sea Arrangements. Nor do they need the East Asia Summit to do the impossible and create some real institutional legs. 10 John Lewis Gaddis, ‘The long peace: Elements of stability in the post-war international system’, International Security 10, no. It is not the mere study of conflict, because, as Brodie once said, ‘strategy is a theory for action.’20 It is not just the pursuit of ends through available means, because to manage conflict is to have a deliberate influence on other actors in our interactions with them. Crisis management among the great powers, often against the risk of nuclear annihilation if these crises were mismanaged, runs through a good deal of Bell’s work. Robert Ayson. An obvious and necessary question to ask is whether this formulation does have continued relevance. To regard Soviet Russia and the United States as adverse partners is one way of reminding ourselves, and our students, that Cold War tensions and anxieties waxed and waned. A bias for action? 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